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Showing posts with label prehistoric humans. Show all posts
Showing posts with label prehistoric humans. Show all posts

Tuesday, 26 May 2015

Not Out of Africa: Alan Thorne's challenging ideas about human evolution


Not Out of Africa
Alan Thorne's challenging ideas about human evolution

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f2/Sapiens_neanderthal_comparison.jpg


Anthropologist Alan Thorne holds casts of two of the skulls that have fueled a controversy about how and when early man reached Australia. The delicate skull at right, of a hominid known as Mungo Man, predates the larger, thicker skull on the left by tens of thousands of years, a reversal of expectations that has challenged traditional theories of evolution.
She came to him in 1968, inside a small, cheap suitcase — her burned and shattered bones embedded in six blocks of calcified sand. The field researchers who dug her up in a parched no-man's-land in southeastern Australia suspected that she was tens of thousands of years old. He was 28. Almost every day for the next six months, he painstakingly freed her remains from the sand with a dental drill, prizing out more than 600 bone chips, each no larger than a thumbnail. He washed them carefully with acetic acid, sealed them with a preservative, and pieced them together into a recognizable skeleton.

Looking closely at skull fragments, bits of arm bone, and a hint of pelvis, he became convinced that two things were true. First, the bones were human, Homo sapiens for sure, and they had held together a young woman. As he assembled this "monster three-dimensional jigsaw puzzle," Alan Thorne, then a lecturer in the department of anatomy at the University of Sydney, began asking himself whose bones they might actually have been. He had no idea that many years later, the answer to that question would rock the world of anthropology.

    Something else about this woman became clear early on— she had been important and powerful. The pattern of burn marks on her bones showed that after she died, her family burned the corpse, then smashed the bones. Later, they added more fuel and burned the bones a second time. This was an unusual ritual. Ancient Aboriginal women were typically buried without fuss. Thorne wondered if her descendants had tried to ensure that she did not return to haunt them; similar cremation rituals are still practiced by some Aboriginal groups today. As hours and days and months passed, he found himself thinking of her as a living, breathing person who'd spent her life encamped on the shores of Lake Mungo, in New South Wales. If this Mungo Lady turned out to be as ancient as field researchers thought, she would be the oldest human fossil ever found in Australia. To Thorne she was already the most mysterious.

In 1968 most anthropologists thought they had a grip on human evolution: Big-browed, thick-skulled humanoids had descended from walking apes. These hulking creatures were eventually replaced by the more advanced, fine-boned humans of our species— Homo sapiens. Throughout Australia, anthropologists had found only big-browed, thick-skulled fossils. That made Mungo Lady a puzzle. Lab analysis of her remains suggested she was 25,000 years old— old enough to be a grandmother to those specimens— but her skull bones were as delicate as an emu's eggshell. Thorne began to realize that she might be telling him a different story than the one he'd read in textbooks— that the delicate, fine-boned people had reached Australia before the big-brows.

    That was an exotic thought, and now, many years later, it is fueling the debate within anthropology over a single huge question: Where did Homo sapiens come from? Most researchers accept a theory referred to as "out of Africa." It holds that numerous species of hominids— beginning with Homo erectus— began migrating out of Africa almost 2 million years ago and evolved into several species. Then a new species called Homo sapiens evolved in Africa and migrated between 100,000 and 120,000 years ago to Europe, Asia, and Australia, consigning all the earlier hominids it encountered to extinction.

    Thorne preaches a revolutionary view called regional continuity. He believes that the species his opponents insist on calling Homo erectus was in fact Homo sapiens, and that they migrated out of Africa almost 2 million years ago and dispersed throughout Europe and Asia. As he sees it, there was no later migration and replacement: "Only one species of human has ever left Africa, and that is us."

    Why does this matter? Because if Thorne and his camp are right, much of what we think we know about human evolution is wrong. In the world according to Thorne, the human family tree is not divided into discrete species such as Homo erectus, Homo antecessor, Homo heidelbergensis, and Homo neanderthalensis. They are all Homo sapiens. Yes, Thorne agrees, from the outside all these hominids look different from each other, but so do humans today— a Korean, a Nigerian, and a Dane hardly resemble each other. Our ancestors displayed great variety, but they were similar in the only way that mattered: They were the same species, which meant they could have sex with each other and produce fertile offspring.

Mungo Lady started Thorne down the road to regional continuity. Six years after he reassembled her, Thorne and three assistants unearthed another small-boned skeleton only 1,600 feet from where she had been found. At burial, this body had been laid on its right side, knees bent, arms tucked between its legs. Certain features— the skull, the shape of the pelvis, and the length of the long bones— told Thorne he was looking at Mungo Man, which thrilled him. As a general rule, female skeletons are more delicate than male ones, so doubts about the uniqueness of Mungo Lady's delicate bones would be quashed by having an equally delicate male counterpart to study.

    Thorne's colleagues took their best guess at this specimen's age, as they had with Mungo Lady in 1968, based on radiocarbon dating and analysis of stratigraphy. They dated him to 30,000 years ago. As the oldest humans ever found down under, the finds were considered so important that the Australian government declared the sandy, bone-dry crater that was once Lake Mungo a national park in order to honor— and protect— the site. To the Aboriginal tribes, the pair became precious symbols of their early peopling of the continent.

    But Thorne assigned a meaning to the bones that resonated beyond Australia. To his mind, the presence of two such unusual skeletons suggested that the peopling of the Pacific was a richer, more complex process than anyone had ever imagined. Anthropologists had long assumed that the first Homo sapiens to reach Australia were fishermen who left Indonesia and got blown off course, ending up on the new continent. Thorne began to wonder whether the first journey from Indonesia to Australia was not an accident but an adventure, undertaken with confidence by intelligent, mobile people. Mungo Lady and Mungo Man closely resembled skeletons of people living in China at the same time. Had these people migrated in boats to Australia? Had there been successive waves of immigration by different peoples over tens of thousands of years? To imagine such things, Thorne had to abandon familiar notions of early man as a blundering primitive.

    He had already begun to do so. In the months he'd spent piecing together those braincases, he had begun to think of them as his elders, worthy of respect, capable of thought and imagination. That supposition was not an outrageous one for an Australian anthropologist to make. From childhood Thorne had grown up on a continent that was home to one of Earth's oldest continuous cultures. He'd learned a great deal about Aboriginal culture while working his way through college as a reporter at the Sydney Morning Herald. From where he stood, the ways of Mungo Man and Mungo Lady were not so different from those of modern Aborigines. He could easily picture two different tribes settling near Lake Mungo, one from nearby Java, another perhaps with roots in China. And once the two parties were encamped around the lake, it was not hard to imagine them crossbreeding.

    Those who believe in regional continuity tend to have a view of sexuality that is more generous and more inclusive than that of the out-of-Africa proponents. In the latter view, Homo sapiens led a kind of search-and-replace mission as they spread around the planet; these researchers believe that members of the new species would not have been able to successfully reproduce with members of earlier species, no matter how hard they tried. Thorne thinks that's nonsense. "European scientists have dominated this field for 150 years," he says. "And they've got a big problem in Europe. Namely, they've got to account for those Neanderthals. My opponents would say that Cro-Magnons"— humans identical to us who lived during the Ice Age— "simply 'replaced' Neanderthals with no intermingling. That's the part I object to. 'No intermingling.' Now, I ask you, does that sound like the human beings you know?"

    In the early 1970s, these ideas were pure speculation. Thorne had no proof of anything. The bones had told him what they could and then lapsed into silence. So he tucked them away and went on with his career. Three decades later, the bones spoke again.
Dueling Theories

Graphic by Matt Zang

In 1997 Thorne finally got the tool he needed to explore Mungo Lady and Mungo Man further. European scientists reported that they had successfully extracted fragments of mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) from the remains of Neanderthal skeletons unearthed in Germany, Croatia, and Russia. This was stunning science; the Neanderthals had died out 35,000 years ago, and yet researchers had been able to harvest genetic matter from their bones as if they'd expired yesterday.

    It was the beginning of a revolution in paleoanthropology. Geneticists were hooking up with bone men everywhere. They were focusing on mtDNA because the mitochondria, which lie outside the nucleus, are easier to study— in a human cell there are only 37 mitochondrial genes compared with 100,000 genes found in the nucleus— and because it is the only DNA anyone has been able to isolate and interpret in ancient fossils. For reasons not yet understood, mtDNA survives the ravages of time better than nuclear DNA. And it has another interesting attribute: It's inherited only through the maternal line. Scientists seized upon this characteristic to try to build genetic family trees. Almost two years ago, geneticists working in Sweden and Germany reported studying the mtDNA of 53 living people from around the world. Within this small sample, they found that Africans shared a characteristic sequence of mtDNA, and that everyone else carried at least some portion of that sequence in their cells. The research suggests that all living humans had their roots in Africa. But Thorne doesn't put much stock in this report. He thinks the conclusions are questionable because samples taken in Africa today could be from people whose ancestors were not African.

    When the first Neanderthal studies were published in 1997, Thorne had already retired. He had traveled the world for 30 years, excavating sites and filming science documentaries for Australian television. His face and his ideas were as well known in Australia as Carl Sagan's once were in the United States. At the request of the Aboriginal council, Thorne still safeguarded the Mungo fossils. Because three more-sophisticated dating technologies were now available, he ordered new tests on 13 of the individuals in his care, and the results gave him a shock.


Skeletal Puzzle: Near the site where Mungo Man's skeleton was excavated, Alan Thorne demonstrates the strange pose in which the body was buried 60,000 years ago.

Center: In his right hand, Thorne holds a cast of Mungo Lady's charred skull; in his left hand, a cast of Mungo Man's skull.

Last: This bone chip is similar in size to the 350-odd chips from which Thorne pieced together Mungo Lady's skull. "Every day I'd sit down and I'd find 10 or so pieces that fit together. I could only work on her 50 minutes at a time, when my mind was fresh. Any longer and they all started to look alike. She took me six months."


    The ages came back first. Using the new technologies, his team found that the small-boned Mungo Lady and Mungo Man were actually 60,000 years old— twice as old as anyone had guessed. Thorne saw these dates as a crushing blow to the out-of-Africa theorists. No matter what his opponents said, there wasn't enough time on their 120,000-year clock for Homo sapiens to leave Africa, dash up to China, evolve from rugged Africans into small-framed Asians, invent boats, sail to Australia, march to the interior, get sick, and die. How much simpler everyone's life would be, he thought, if anthropologists could agree that some of the players in this drama had reached China 1.5 million years ago and continued to evolve there.

    After the dating, Gregory Adcock, a doctoral student in genetics at Australian National University, decided to check all 13 fossils for mtDNA. But first he set up stringent procedures. It's easy to contaminate specimens: More than once, scientists have been embarrassed when the "ancient DNA" they extracted turned out to be their own. To avoid this catastrophe, Adcock alone handled the specimens. He alone traveled between two testing labs. He sampled his own DNA and Thorne's to use as a control. Before sampling the ancient specimens, he tested five modern human and animal bones to make sure he'd perfected handling techniques. Then he drilled into each fossil and took a sample from the bone's interior, where no one could ever have touched it. Of more than 60 samples he analyzed, he reported only three contaminations. Ten of the 13 yielded DNA.

    The results were nothing less than remarkable: Among the 10 successful extractions was the world's oldest known human DNA— plucked from none other than Mungo Man. (No DNA was recovered from Mungo Lady, perhaps because she had been cremated.) Mungo Man also appeared to mock the findings of previous scientists: His mtDNA signature did not match anyone's, living or fossil, on Earth. There was no evidence that he was genetically related to ancient Africans.

    The findings were published in January 2001 by Adcock, Thorne, and five other researchers. What followed was intense disagreement. "People just fell over when they read this new stuff," says Alan Mann, an anthropologist at Princeton University and a moderate in the human-origins debate. "The people at Mungo were totally modern looking and were expected to carry the DNA we have, but they didn't. I think that makes for an incredibly complicated story. It's a stunning development."

    Thorne's critics were underwhelmed. "Alan is great at generating media interest. He's a former journalist, you know," says Chris Stringer, head of human origins at the Natural History Museum in London, a staunch advocate of the out-of-Africa model who is accustomed to his phone ringing off the hook every time Thorne fires another volley. "He has done some important work. I'm not saying his work is bad or wrong or whatever. Obviously, I have a different interpretation of it."

    Stringer and his colleagues laid into Thorne. First, they said it was unlikely that 10 of the 13 skeletons had yielded mtDNA. This was an unprecedented success rate, so they believed that there had to be contamination. Even researchers at Oxford University, in one of the world's finest labs, had contaminated specimens. Then they said that mtDNA lines died out all the time; the Australians were making much ado about nothing. This part was true: Twenty-five to 30 percent of mankind's mtDNA has been lost over the past million years when women gave birth to boys or didn't reproduce at all.

    Thorne concedes that mtDNA has evolved greatly over time, and all scientists working in this area have to be cautious. But as long as everyone is using mtDNA analysis as a basis for speculation, he asks why his work is regarded with such suspicion. Mungo Man and his alternative complement of genes were alive enough to make it to Australia and contribute to the peopling of a continent. Modern Aborigines didn't inherit Mungo Man's mtDNA, but they have certainly inherited the characteristics of his skull. "Eventually, all these people intermingled, and that's why the Aborigines have such diversity," he says.

    Stringer, for his part, maintains that the out-of-Africa model could account for a settlement in southern Australia 60,000 years ago. Africans, he says, would have had to travel only one mile toward Australia each year for 10,000 years to make that possible. In other words, the Homo sapiens who left Africa 100,000 years ago would have reached Indonesia with plenty of time to sail to Australia.

    In New York, Ian Tattersall, one of Thorne's closest friends, has long quibbled with his stance. "We've agreed to disagree," says Tattersall, curator of anthropology at the American Museum of Natural History. "I have a lot of respect for him; I just think he's barking up the wrong tree." Tattersall argues that Neanderthals were so obviously a separate species that Homo sapiens could not have bred with them.

    Thorne says his lifelong study of animals has taught him otherwise. In captivity, for example, jaguars have mated with leopards and pumas and produced fertile female offspring— although all three animals supposedly belong to different species. Polar bears and brown bears, wolves and coyotes, dromedaries and Bactrian camels also cross-mate. Darwin himself dismissed species as a term that is "arbitrarily given, for the sake of convenience."

In recent months Thorne and his team have examined every human fossil from Australia and Asia they could get their hands on. They're retesting their Mungo Man work, hoping to confirm the findings and fill in some of the remaining gaps in the fossilized man's mtDNA profile. To satisfy their critics, they are allowing three rival labs to analyze Mungo Man extractions. Results will be available by the end of this year. When they are, they will most likely be debated. This science is still too inchoate for either side to declare victory.

    Whatever the outcome, the bones from Lake Mungo have created change in Australia. The nation has committed to returning Lake Mungo and its environs to the Aborigines. Soon elders of the tribes living around Lake Mungo will decide when they will assume management of the land, artifacts, wildlife, and tourist trade. In 1991, standing near the metal stake that marks the spot where Mungo Lady was found, Thorne returned her bones to the elders of those tribes. At the time, elders debated whether to rebury her or preserve her. Thorne argued for the latter. "If you do away with her bones," he told them, "I'll always be right. You won't be able to refute my work. Someday there will be an aboriginal Alan Thorne, and he'll have a different way of looking at these bones. You have to give him that chance." The council voted for preservation. Today Mungo Lady inhabits a safe that can be opened only with a key, of which two copies exist. Aboriginal elders hold one; Thorne was presented with the other.

    Despite Thorne's proselytizing, only a small fraction of the world's anthropologists accept his theories. But he couldn't care less. These days, he draws inspiration from the old Sherlock Holmes maxim: "Once you eliminate the impossible, whatever remains, no matter how improbable, must be the truth."

    He points out that regional continuity is by far the simpler theory and can much more comfortably account for all the complicated twists and turns in the genetic evidence of human evolution now coming to light. "It argues that what is going on today is what has been going on for 2 million years, that the processes we see today are what have been going on in human populations for a very long time. You don't need a new species that has to extinguish all the other populations in the world. This is why out-of-Africa is the impossible, and regional continuity is not only not improbable but the answer and the truth."





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Tuesday, 24 March 2015

Our Peaceful Stone Age Ancestors: Scant Evidence that Prehistoric People were Warlike, Anthropologist claims


Our Peaceful Stone Age Ancestors
Scant Evidence that Prehistoric People were Warlike,
 Anthropologist claims

http://www.ancient-origins.net/sites/default/files/field/image/Prehistoric-People-Warlike.jpg



 

The Stone Age seems to have been a time of peace and not war, says an anthropologist specializing in war who has studied the published work of dozens of researchers. Unfortunately for many millions of victims of death, wounding, displacement, hunger and loss, humanity began to make war compulsively, some groups as early as 13,000 years ago.

There was mostly peace in Europe and the Near East during a large part of the Stone Age, but war swept Europe and the Near East by the time of the late Neolithic (the most recent period of the Stone Age), and the Copper and Bronze ages beginning about the sixth to fifth millennium BC.

“In both Europe and the Near East the literature reviews begin without signs of war and end in periods when war is unambiguously established and often a dominant factor in social life,” writes R. Brian Ferguson in his chapter “The Prehistory of War and Peace in Europe and the Near East.” He contributed the chapter to the 2013 book War, Peace and Human Nature. Ferguson is a professor of anthropology at Rutgers University in New Jersey. (A profile of Ferguson and PDF files of his published works may be accessed at http://www.ncas.rutgers.edu/r-brian-ferguson.)


Ferguson claims war is a relatively ‘new’ development and that there is little evidence of regular wars in the Stone Age.  European Cavalry Battle Scene
Ferguson claims war is a relatively ‘new’ development and that there is little evidence of regular wars in the Stone Age.  European Cavalry Battle Scene (Wikimedia Commons)


“Many people, some archaeologists and most evolutionary psychologists, for example, think that war has always been practiced by humans, and may go back without break to our pre-human ancestors,” Ferguson told Ancient Origins in e-mail. “My argument is that war regularly – not always – leaves archaeological traces, if a people are known by a substantial record of skeletal remains, and/or settlement remains, sometimes supported by weapons or art. Looking at the archaeological record around the world typically shows that those signs eventually show up, but usually after a more or less long stretch when they are not present. When this appears as a recurrent pattern around the world, the straightforward explanation is that war has beginnings.”

Go back several millennia BC “and war is not evident,” he said.


Archaeologists can find traces of war in ancient skeletons by examining their injuries. The above picture shows two skeletons recovered from the archaeological site of Hadyakh, ancient Neyshapour, populated 9th-14th century AD. The brutal and terrible end of this village can be seen through the multiples skeletons found, all having multiple trauma and crushing lesions.
Archaeologists can find traces of war in ancient skeletons by examining their injuries. The above picture shows two skeletons recovered from the archaeological site of Hadyakh, ancient Neyshapour, populated 9th-14th century AD. The brutal and terrible end of this village can be seen through the multiples skeletons found, all having multiple trauma and crushing lesions. (Wikimedia Commons)


We asked Ferguson when war began in places other than Europe and the Near East.

"The archaeological record tells us that war began in very different times in different places, separated by many thousands of years. In central Florida, war may have been present by 5400 BC, but on the southern Great Plains skeletons are nearly trauma-free until after 800 AD. Much of the tribal universe across the Americas and the Pacific saw a great intensification of war around the 13th century AD, apparently related to climate change. If forced to answer the question: globally, when did war begin? I would have to say between 11,000 BC and 1400 AD."

Ferguson at one time reported a date for the inception of war in the Yellow River area of China. But he subsequently learned Maoist archeology ignored the possibility of early war, so he has no idea now. “Most of sub-Saharan Africa has negligible archaeological excavation, so who knows?” he said. “New Guinea: also almost no evidence, though northern Australia seems to have potentially lethal group clashes (among hunter-gatherers) as early as 4000 BC, and continuing thereafter.”

The idea that humankind in ancient times was characteristically warlike is based on preconceptions and wishful thinking, not careful examination of evidence,” he said.


It's impossible to say if prehistoric people made these stone arrow- and spearheads for use on other people or on animals, but war was rare in the Stone Age, an anthropological researcher has concluded.
It’s impossible to say if prehistoric people made these stone arrow- and spearheads for use on other people or on animals, but war was rare in the Stone Age, an anthropological researcher has concluded. (Phyzome photo/Wikimedia Commons)


Ferguson identifies several preconditions that make war more likely but not inevitable. He names geographic concentration of critical resources, transition from nomadic to stationary life, high population densities, storage of food, domestication of livestock, long-distance trade that may be monopolized, major ecological events that reduce production of food, and political or social hierarchies and ranking. Even so, people in some places and times had all these factors present and apparently did not make war.

The presence of war in a prehistoric society may be studied by looking at prehistoric representations of combat or homicide; presence of weapons; evidence of fortifications in layers now buried in the earth; and skeletons showing wounds.

Ferguson alludes to another researcher who identifies “tool-weapons, clearly used for work but also usable for killing people; weapon-tools, probably used for fighting but possibly for work; and weapons proper, such as swords.” A presence of many tool-weapons is “a weak positive for war,” but when tool-weapons are absent it is a strong indication the people did not make war.


Recovery of ancient weapons helps to piece together periods of war in prehistory
Recovery of ancient weapons helps to piece together periods of war in prehistory (Wikimedia Commons)


As for apparent wounds to skeletons, many of which are incomplete, Ferguson cites several researchers in Europe and the Near East who found very few among remains of prehistoric peoples. For example, a researcher examined 209 Middle and Upper Paleolithic remains, including Neanderthals, from southern France and found five fractures. That research concluded “the absence of a single parry fracture or wound to the side of the head in my sample seems to belie the previously held notions in the literature of bestial behavior and violence for this time period.” Other researchers, too, found little or no evidence of deliberately inflicted trauma in the Paleolithic, which ends around 10,000 BC.

Of the Mesolithic of 10,000 to 8,000 BC, Ferguson writes “in Europe, some Mesolithic societies made war, or may have, but others did not.”

Ferguson summarizes several studies of the skeletal remains of Mesolithic and Neolithic Europe, of the period from 10,000 to 5500 BC and finds a few people had signs of violent wounding, but these may have been inflicted by members of their own tribe and not in war. There is also some evidence of cannibalism then, as there was earlier, which he states may or may not be related to war.

By the fifth millennium BC, most of Europe passes from New Stone Age to the Copper and later Bronze ages. “By those ages, war had become a cultural obsession across Europe,” he writes.


Bronze Age War: Image from Vitlycke, a bronze-age UNESCO world heritage site in Tanumshede, western Sweden, depicts fighting with weapons
Bronze Age War: Image from Vitlycke, a bronze-age UNESCO world heritage site in Tanumshede, western Sweden, depicts fighting with weapons (Wikimedia Commons)


“The sparse skeletal evidence of violent death, shifts in tools towards weapons and settlement clustering with vacant spaces between all become more common and pronounced through the Middle and into the Late and Final Neolithic,” he wrote. These periods lasted from about 5,500 BC to 2200 BC.

Ferguson looked at four regions in the Near East and found mostly evidence of peace there until, variously, in what is now northern Iraq beginning in the 10th millennium BC; in Mesopotamia in the seventh millennium; and at others sites in the northern Tigris area from 3800 to 3500 BC.  In Anatolia (Turkey), there was an upsurge of war around the sixth millennium BC, he says.

Ferguson also looked at the southern Levant at the eastern end of the Mediterranean Sea and found “the most intriguing findings. From the time of the Natufians, beginning around 13,100 BC up to the early Early Bronze Age IIb around 3200 BC there are only a handful of violent deaths indicated by skeletal remains.” He lists seven wounded skeletons and says, “Nevertheless, seven instances from nearly 10,000 years with only one or two adult males is a remarkable record against the presence of war.” He said the only sites suspected of having fortifications during the period were Jericho and Beidha, and the maces found in the region appear to be ceremonial, not made for war.


A mace head with cuneiform dedicating the mace to the god Ningirsu, circa 2400 B.C., Mesopotamia
A mace head with cuneiform dedicating the mace to the god Ningirsu, circa 2400 B.C., Mesopotamia (Photo by M0tty/Wikimedia Commons)


While war has been a fact of life (and death) for millennia, Ferguson’s writings seem to hold a glint of hope for the human race: “My position is that human beings have no evolved predisposition to inflict deadly violence on people outside their own social group.” He wrote in an earlier work: “Even at relatively advanced levels of sociocultural evolution, there is no reason, theoretically, to deny the possibility of peaceful societies.”


Featured image: Prehistoric man in a peaceful landscape. Credit: BigStockPhoto




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