"All the world's a stage we pass through." - R. Ayana

Sunday, 7 February 2016

Comets, Apocalypse and the Worldwide Flood

Comets, Apocalypse and the Worldwide Flood

Striking new geological evidence for the worldwide flood roughly 12,800 years ago



Please see the email, below, marked as item 1. I recently shared it with several prominent geologists. I apologize for its length, but it should be worth your time. The email is followed by several items from a presentation that I gave to a group in California in September 2015. In that presentation I incorporated evidence from the local region that support the assertion that there was a worldwide flood.

The heart of the issue is that new map data reveal submerged, former river systems that could not have been created by subsurface processes. Yet geologists believe that they were, and it has prompted me to call them out because they are fitting the creation of these structures into their ‘no flood, ever’ paradigm. Such explanations illustrate the practice of fitting observations to theory, which is anti-science; they are but ad hoc speculations crafted to eliminate apparent conflict with the prevailing paradigm.

Not just that, but it is also the confusion of cause and effect: whatever turbidity flows that have been observed in/near these structures are post-submersion consequences and certainly not the creation mechanism. To consider that these submerged systems were carved by subsurface processes finds its historical equivalent in the theory that celestial bodies orbit Earth.

In addition, I identify the cosmic impact site that two recent papers fail to accomplish, and I describe associated effects that include the introduction of the worldwide flood’s water. The newly introduced waters forever changed the planet, and they buried both Mu and Atlantis, each of which will eventually be discovered far beneath the ocean’s surface in places that have thus far been beyond our consideration.

For those interested, there is this presentation, “Resolving the Problem of Atlantis,” that I presented in April 2015 to the Explorers Club in NYC.

I hope that all this will help you and others to put human pre-history into proper context.

Michael Jaye, PhD.

1. Recently sent email:

Dear Profs _________,

As you are probably aware, for nearly 200 years geologists have accepted that the Earth has had all its water since nearly its beginning. This paradigm finds its origin in the early decades of the 1800s when Buckland, Sedgwick, Conybeare, Lyell, etc., began the process of determining whether or not the whole of the Earth suffered a deluge. It became apparent to all that diluvial gravels belonged to multiple, distinct events, and because there was not a common event in the record, there could not have been a worldwide flood (e.g. Sedgwick’s recantation, 1831). But this conclusion and its ensuing paradigm precluded the possibility that now-submerged landscapes might have been inundated by some unknown event. From the evidence, the precise conclusion should have been: a presumed worldwide flood did not inundate presently exposed landscapes. This is wholly different from claiming that there was never a worldwide flood. Yet “no global flood, ever” became the accepted paradigm that persists to this day, and it has far-reaching implications.

Relatively new data in the form of Google Earth and Google Maps (satellite view) expose the erroneous paradigm. The map data reveal the remnants of a massive cosmic impact in what is now the Southern Ocean. (Location of impact is corroborated by this article). The impacting object had a dense, solid core that was surrounded by a fragile outer layer. Assumed to have formed in the Oort Cloud, this outer layer would be consistent with known comet composition – predominantly ice – and upon melting it would deliver more than 3 km of water to former oceans and seas. This impact created the YD nanodiamond layer and associated environmental effects, placing the event 13kybp. The flood waters submerged and preserved Monterey Canyon and similar drainage systems found throughout the planet. Humans commemorate the event in ubiquitous oral traditions: there was a catastrophic, worldwide flood.

Here are three Google Maps views of the impact site. It is in the Southern Ocean southeast of South Africa and nearly due south of Madagascar. Center impact is vic 56.83S, 53.75E.


These are identical perspectives of the impact site available to everyone with a computer and Google Earth. The upper is the standard view with superimposed diameter measuring 2500 km; the middle is a bathymetry map depicting raised regions of deposits borne by the impacting object – the circle identifies the location of the nucleus remnants (RGB color scale corresponds to highest to lowest elevations); the lower view is a magnetic anomaly map (RGB scale corresponds with most to least intense susceptibilities). Magnetic anomalies extend 1500 km to the northeast through the impact crescent’s gap. We note that the maps constitute data that had not been available to geologists or other scientists until recently.

In the Oort Cloud where this object formed, gravitational accelerations induced by the solid, inner core were less than 1% of Earth’s. Aggregations forming the outer water-ice and debris shell made it more massive than the core, yet accelerations induced by the combined system were on the order of 2% of Earth’s. These small accelerations explain why the impacting object was so loosely packed, porous, and fragile, as well as why its impact effects on the Earth are so unimpressive and far less damaging than what might be expected from a similarly sized but solid object.

The object that struck (in what is now the Southern Ocean) created the nano-diamond layer, it caused the YD climate changes, and it flooded the planet by adding more than 3 km to former ocean depths.

The waters preserved the many submerged river drainage systems that we can now “see” with Google Earth in the bathymetry. Here are some examples:


To anyone but a trained geologist the noticeable, meandering features are submerged river drainage systems.

Yet one of the four is published by geologists as having drainages that were subaerially carved, and it is the one in the upper right (western Med) – Garcia-Castellanos (Nature, 2009) claimed that the Med flooded through the Strait of Gibraltar (their timing is way off, however). We note that the former drainages in the Med end at a common depth because carving/erosion is a subaerial process that ceases upon contact with a terminal body of water. Like those in the Med, the drainages in the other three examples were also subaerially carved and seeking their terminal bodies of water. They are preserved because they were quickly submerged by the flood waters.

Here is a schematic from the Nature paper that depicts the waters beginning to enter the Med. Note the there was a body of water in the Med and that for millions of years the waters drained into it, thereby carving the features that are now preserved in the bathymetry, which we can now “see” via Google Earth.


Submarine geomorphologists (and other geologists) conjecture that turbidity flows carved these submerged drainages because to them there was never a worldwide flood. But it is an absolute, physical impossibility for any flow to remain focused and energetic at the depths and distances involved to carve these structures. Geologists are fitting data to theory, and that is the practice of anti-science, or fantasy. Also, ascribing the structures’ creation to subsurface flows is the confusion of cause and effect: whatever turbidity flows that have been observed near these structures are consequences of the structures, post submersion, and certainly not their creation mechanism. To think that subsurface processes carved these features is equivalent to believing that all celestial bodies orbit the Earth.

COL James Churchward’s work (e.g. The Lost Continent of Mu) is discredited because of the “no flood, ever” paradigm. Nonetheless, here is a map he created roughly 100 years ago based on his travels and research – note the location of Mu.


Now here is a three-color GIS-produced map (model) of pre-flood Earth (blue = former seas; tan = formerly exposed landscapes; yellow = presently exposed landscapes) created by removing more than 3 km water from Earth’s surface:


Note the formerly exposed region to the west of South America, particularly its western extent, in the GIS-model, and compare it to Churchward’s Mu.

There’s more: this recent finding included a human DNA “heat map”:


Explaining the heat map is obvious in the context of the worldwide flood: peoples inhabiting Mu shared a common ancestry, and descendants of flood survivors in Australia and regional Pacific islands are DNA-linked to descendants of flood survivors in South America. (By the way, the hypothesis that human migrations to the Americas via some land bridge near the Arctic Circle is wholly invalidated by this map.)

In October 1962, the research vessel Anton Bruun discovered what appear to be human artifacts in the deep abyss. This is a photo and its corresponding caption from the voyage:


From the voyage report:

“Columns under the Sea – or – unusual rock formations off Callao, Peru, at a depth of 2000 meters some exceptionally interesting photographs were obtained. The figure shows two columnar structures projecting from the sediments…. It is tempting to suggest that these represent evidence of submerged man-made structures. The apparent “inscriptions” on the columns is suggestive as is also their upright condition. The absence of typical submerged rock exposure is further suggestive that these photos have recorded more than just sedimentary rock exposure. The possibility certainly exists, even if the probability is low, that these photographs do show evidence of submerged man-made structures….”

The columns are remnants of human activity from Churchward’s lost continent, Mu.

In addition, if you are familiar with Dillehay’s Monte Verde, then you would know that he conclusively places humans in South America between 12,400 and 12,800 years before present. Also, the Haida (noted seafarers) have been dated as far back as 13,000 years ago. Each settlement’s time estimate corresponds with the YD nanodiamond layer creation and the associated climate effects that were caused by the cosmic impact in the Southern Ocean that delivered the worldwide flood.

Humans evolved in the former abyss where, in the absence of more than 3km water, atmospheric pressures would have increased temperatures – it is why we are furless. Correspondingly, our furry relatives evolved in landscapes that were more than 3km above the former sea level – it was much, much cooler up here (prior to the flood), and we encounter them now because we survived into available landscapes. Most important is this implication: we humans are not properly adapted for the post-flood Earth environment that we encounter. Hence our problems….

It is only a matter of time until other evidence of human activity is discovered in the deep abyss. At that time what will geologists do (other than try to discredit the findings)?

But the bottom line is this: geologists are preventing us from achieving a correct understanding of Earth and human history, and the community of scientists needs to be made aware of geology’s nearly 200-year old, fundamental, paradigmatic “no flood, ever” error. It is perhaps the most profound error in the history of science.

2. The rapid introduction of such a vast amount of water preserved the Monterey Canyon drainage system. The figure below depicts an annotated Google Earth map of the region that was drained by the system. At more than 3 km above the former sea level, what is now California would have been continuously inundated by rains caused by winds uplifted by the nearly vertical and formerly exposed continental margin. Eventually those rainwaters would have been energized by the fall back down the shelf, leading to the creation of Monterey Canyon; this process explains the many other well-preserved river drainage systems found submerged throughout the planet. The confluence region in the figure is ambiguous or smeared as a consequence of river borne sediments being deposited into rising ocean waters, much like the formation of river deltas. This accounts for the nature of a U.S. Geological Survey sample core drilled in this confluence region: it is primarily composed of terrigenous sand, and its secondary composition is terrigenous gravel deposits. Other river-borne materials that were deposited into the rising ocean waters account for the region’s sediment-filled channels.


3. Evidence from coastal California also demonstrates what the worldwide floodwaters did to the local ecosystem. The following image is an overhead view of the Salinas Valley, not far from where I am writing this. It was once a lakebed, and the former water level can be discerned on each side of what is now the valley. This region was once two miles above the former sea level, and uplifted winds condensed to create persistent rains that eroded the hills and filled the lake (these waters would eventually drain to the northwest, and energy acquired in the two+ mile fall back down the shelf is what carved Monterey Canyon). The arrow points to the only (intermittent) stream in the valley, carving its way toward the Salinas River as it drains the series of arroyos and hills to its east and northeast. It demonstrates what 13,000 years of erosion looks like.


4. Not far to the south of Carmel, CA, is the Big Sur region, a part of which is shown below in a Google Earth image. Two nearly identical valleys are circled, one far below the present ocean surface and the other subaerial (the submerged feature is far too deep to have been covered by melt waters from the last ice age). The valleys have nearly identical dimensions (vertically and horizontally). Under Geology’s “no flood” paradigm, this would imply that subsurface erosive processes are identical to subaerial erosive processes, an absurdity when one considers the immense density differences between the media. The only way that the two features could be so similar is if the now submerged feature was subaerially carved and then later submerged.


5. Rocks in the surf, those protruding from the beach, and those well above the beach (foreground) all show identical erosion. This would be impossible had the rocks in the ocean been exposed to pounding surf for eons. The relatively recent introduction of the ocean waters accounts for the similarity in the wear of the various features – all the local formations were subjected to identical erosion for millions of years, and the upper layer of soil was removed by the recently introduced ocean waters, and the past 13,000 years of surf erosion has not created a discernible difference in the rock formations.

In addition, the rocks in the surf are jagged, an impossibility had they been exposed to pounding surf for billions of years.


6. Having formed in the Oort Cloud, the outer layer of the impacting object was consistent with known comet composition: porous, mostly open space, “unbelievably fragile,” and “less strong than a snowbank” – descriptions from Prof. Michael A’Hearn, project lead of NASA’s Deep Impact mission into Comet Tempel 1. In the Oort Cloud where this object formed, gravitational accelerations induced by the solid, inner core nucleus were less than 1% of Earth’s. Aggregations forming the impacting object’s outer water-ice and debris shell made it more massive than its core, yet accelerations induced by the entire object were on the order of 2% of Earth’s. These comparatively small accelerations explain why the impacting object was so loosely packed, porous, and fragile, as well as why its impact effects on the Earth were far less damaging than what might be expected from a similarly sized but solid object.

Despite the fragility in its outer layers, the force of the impact nonetheless shifted local topography in the western edge of the crescent by up to 150 km; terrain elongations are evident in the Google Maps (satellite view) images of the impact crescent’s western extent, shown below. Deposit mounds interior to the crescent are remnants from the melted mineral-ice complex that comprised the impacting object’s outer layer.

Another important consequence of this impact: common, smaller, and irregularly shaped comets are fragments from these larger objects that have broken off due to eons of gravitational interactions.


From Graham Hancock @ http://grahamhancock.com/jayem1/

Did a Comet Cause the Great Flood?

The universal human myth may be the first example of disaster reporting


The Fenambosy chevrons at the tip of Madagascar.
Image courtesy of Dallas Abbott

The serpent’s tails coil together menacingly. A horn juts sharply from its head. The creature looks as if it might be swimming through a sea of stars. Or is it making its way up a sheer basalt cliff? For Bruce Masse, an environmental archaeologist at Los Alamos National Laboratory, there is no confusion as he looks at this ancient petroglyph, scratched into a rock by a Native American shaman. “You can’t tell me that isn’t a comet,” he says.

In Masse’s interpretation, the petroglyph commemorates a comet that streaked across the sky just a few years before Europeans came to this area of New Mexico. But that event is a minor blip compared to what he is really after. Masse believes that he has uncovered evidence that a gigantic comet crashed into the Indian Ocean several thousand years ago and nearly wiped out all life on the planet. What’s more, he thinks that clues about the catastrophe are hiding in plain sight, embedded in the creation stories of cultural groups around the world. His hypothesis depends on a major reinterpretation of many different mythologies and raises questions about how frequently major asteroid impacts occur. What scientists know about such collisions is based mainly on a limited survey of craters around the world and on the moon. Only 185 craters on Earth have been identified, and almost all are on dry land, leaving largely unexamined the 70 percent of the planet covered by water. Even among those on dry land, many of the craters have been recognized only recently. It is possible that Earth has been a target of more meteors and comets than scientists have suspected.

Masse’s epiphany came while poring over Hawaiian oral histories regarding the goddess Pele and wondering what they might reveal about the lava flows that episodically destroy human settlements and create new tracts of land. He reasoned that even though the stories are often clouded by exaggerations and mystical explanations, many may refer to actual incidents. He tested his hypothesis by cross-checking carbon-14 ages for the lava flows against dates included in royal Hawaiian genealogies. The result: Several flows matched up with the specific reigns associated with them in the oral histories. Other myths, Masse theorizes, hold similar clues.


Masse’s biggest idea is that some 5,000 years ago, a 3-mile-wide ball of rock and ice swung around the sun and smashed into the ocean off the coast of Madagascar. The ensuing cataclysm sent a series of 600-foot-high tsunamis crashing against the world’s coastlines and injected plumes of superheated water vapor and aerosol particulates into the atmosphere. Within hours, the infusion of heat and moisture blasted its way into jet streams and spawned superhurricanes that pummeled the other side of the planet. For about a week, material ejected into the atmosphere plunged the world into darkness. All told, up to 80 percent of the world’s population may have perished, making it the single most lethal event in history.

Why, then, don’t we know about it? Masse contends that we do. Almost every culture has a legend about a great flood, and—with a little reading between the lines—many of them mention something like a comet on a collision course with Earth just before the disaster. The Bible describes a deluge for 40 days and 40 nights that created a flood so great that Noah was stuck in his ark for two weeks until the water subsided. In the Gilgamesh Epic, the hero of Mesopotamia saw a pillar of black smoke on the horizon before the sky went dark for a week. Afterward, a cyclone pummeled the Fertile Crescent and caused a massive flood. Myths recounted in indigenous South American cultures also tell of a great flood.

“These stories are all exactly what you would expect from the survivors of a celestial impact,” Masse says, leafing through 2,000-year-old drawings by Chinese astronomers that show comets of all shapes and sizes. “When a comet rounds the sun, oftentimes its tail is still being blown forward by the solar winds so that it actually precedes it. That is why so many descriptions of comets in mythology mention that they are wearing horns.” In India, he notes, a celestial fish described as “bright as a moonbeam,” with a horn on its head, warned of an epic flood that brought on a new age of man.

Among 175 flood myths, Masse found two of particular interest. A Hindu myth describes an alignment of the five bright planets that has happened only once in the last 5,000 years, according to computer simulations, and a Chinese story mentions that the great flood occurred at the end of the reign of Empress Nu Wa. Cross-checking historical records with astronomical data, Masse came up with a date for his event: May 10, 2807 B.C.

On its own, the mythological evidence is weak, as even Masse recognizes. “Mythology can help us hypothesize about events that might have occurred,” he says, “but to prove the reality of them, we have to go beyond myths and search for physical evidence.”

In 2004, at a conference of geologists, astronomers, and archaeologists, Masse outlined his evidence for a world-ravaging impact in the middle of the Indian Ocean. Ted Bryant, a geomorphologist at the University of Wollongong in New South Wales, Australia, was intrigued and enlisted the help of Dallas Abbott, an assistant professor at the Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory at Columbia University. In 2005, they formed the Holocene Impact Working Group (referring to the geological period covering the last 11,000 years) to seek out the geological signatures of a megatsunami. If a 600-foot-high wave ravages a coastline, it should leave a lot of debris behind. In the case of waves generated by asteroid impacts, the debris they leave in their wake is believed to form gigantic, wedge-shaped sandy structures—known as chevrons—that are sometimes packed with deep-oceanic microfossils dredged up by the tsunami.

When Abbott began searching satellite images on Google Earth, she saw dozens of chevrons along shorelines and inland in Africa and Asia. The shape and size of these chevrons suggest that they might have been formed by waves emanating from the impact of a comet slamming into the deep ocean off Madagascar. “The chevrons in Madagascar associated with the crater were filled with melted microfossils from the bottom of the ocean. There is no explanation for their presence other than a cosmic impact,” she says. “People are going to have to start taking this theory a lot more seriously.” The next step is to perform carbon-14 dating on the fossils to see if they are indeed 5,000 years old.

Meanwhile, Bryant contends that chevrons found (pdf) 4 miles inland from the shore of Madagascar were formed by a wave that traveled 25 miles along the coast, moving almost parallel to the shoreline. “Neither erosion nor any other terrestrial process could have caused these formations. The biggest marine landslide ever recorded happened 7,200 years ago off the coast of Norway, and there was a tsunami, but it was a far cry from leaving deposits 200 meters above sea level,” Bryant says.

Not everyone is convinced, to say the least. “I don’t believe the evidence of a crater off Madagascar, and the impetus is on Abbott to prove it,” says Jay Melosh, an impact expert at the University of Arizona and an outspoken critic of the theory. To make a case for the impact, Melosh says, Abbott “should be finding layers of glassy droplets and fused rock in sea-core samples, the sorts of things we find at all other similar impact sites.”

On the other hand, a lot remains unknown about impacts. As recently as 60 years ago, some geologists believed that the Barringer Meteor Crater in Arizona—now considered the prototypical impact scar—was caused by a volcanic explosion, and they regarded impacts as a minor if not inconsequential influence on Earth’s history. Just 25 years ago, Luis and Walter Alvarez raised eyebrows with their idea that an asteroid collision helped kill off the dinosaurs. So Abbott continues to hunt for evidence that will clinch the idea that Noah’s flood was yet another example of extraterrestrial meddling. “It is still up to us to prove it, but if we have unequivocal impact ejecta,” she says, Melosh “is going to have to eat his words.”

Before the Fall: Evidence For a Golden Age



If you asked them what life was like in prehistoric times, most people would conjure up an image like the famous opening scenes of 2001: Space Odyssey – groups of hairy savages grunting and jumping around, foaming at the mouth with aggression as they bash each over the heads with sticks.

We take it for granted that life was much harder then, a battle to survive, with everyone competing to find food, struggling against the elements, men fighting over women, and everyone dying young from disease or malnutrition.

A whole branch of science has grown up around this view of the human race’s early history. This is relatively new discipline of evolutionary psychology, which tries to explain all of the negative sides of human nature as adaptations which early people developed because they had some survival value. Evolutionary psychologists explain traits like selfishness and aggression in these terms. Life was such a struggle that only the most selfish and aggressive people survived and passed on their genes. The people with gentle and peaceful genes would have died out, simply because they would have lost out in the survival battle. Evolutionary psychologists see racism and war as natural too. It’s inevitable that different human groups should be hostile to one another, because once upon a time we were all living on the edge of starvation and fighting over limited resources. Any tendency to show sympathy for other groups would have reduced our own group’s survival chances.

But fortunately we don’t have to believe any of this crude nonsense. There is now a massive amount of archaeological and anthropological evidence which suggests that this view of the human race’s past is completely false. Life for prehistoric human beings was far less bleak than we might imagine.

Take the view that life was a struggle to survive . The evidence suggests that the lives of prehistoric human beings were a lot easier than those of the agricultural peoples who came after them. Until around 8000 BCE, all human beings lived as hunter-gatherers. They survived by hunting wild animals (the man’s job) and foraging for wild plants, nuts, fruit and vegetables (the woman’s job). When anthropologists began to look at how contemporary hunter-gatherers use their time, they were surprised to find that they only spent 12 to 20 hours per week searching for food – between a third and a half of the average modern working week! Because of this, the anthropologist Marshall Sahlins called hunter-gatherers the original affluent society. As he noted in his famous paper of that name, for hunter-gatherers, The food quest is so successful that half the time the people do not seem to know what to do with themselves.[1]

Strange though it may sound – the diet of hunter-gatherers was better than many modern peoples’. Apart from the small amount of meat they ate (10%-20% of their diet), their diet was practically identical to that of a modern day vegan – no dairy products and a wide variety of fruits, vegetables, roots and nuts, all eaten raw (which nutrition experts tell us is the healthiest way to eat.) This partly explains why skeletons of ancient hunter-gatherers are surprisingly large and robust, and show few signs of degenerative diseases and tooth decay. As the anthropologist Richard Rudgley writes, We know from what they ate and the condition of their skeletons that the hunting people were, on the whole, in pretty good shape.[2] The hunter-gatherers of Greece and Turkey had an average height of five feet ten inches for men and five feet six for women. But after the advent of agriculture, these had declined to five feet three and five feet one. An archaeological site in the lower Illinois Valley in central USA shows that when people started cultivating maize and switched to a settled lifestyle, there was an increase in infant mortality, stunted growth in adults, and a massive increase in diseases related to malnutrition.

Hunter-gatherers were much less vulnerable to disease than later peoples. In fact, until the advances of modern medicine and hygiene of the 19th and 20th centuries, they may well have suffered less from disease than any other human beings in history. Many of the diseases which we’re now susceptible to only actually arrived when we domesticated animals and started living close to them. Animals transmitted a whole host of diseases to us which we’d never been exposed to before. Pigs and ducks passed the flu on, horses gave us colds, cows gave us the pox and dogs gave us the measles. And later, when dairy products became a part of our diet, we increased our exposure to disease even more through drinking milk, which transmits at least 30 different diseases. In view of this, it’s not surprising that with the coming of agriculture, people’s life spans became shorter.

The transition from a nomadic hunter-gatherer way of life to a settled agricultural one began in the Middle East at around 8000 BCE, spreading into Europe and Asia over the following millennia (and developing independently in some places). Many of the world’s cultures have myths that refer an earlier time when life was much easier, and human beings were less materialistic and lived in harmony with nature and each other. In ancient Greece and Rome this was known as the Golden Age; in China it was the Age of Perfect Virtue, in India it was the Krita Yuga (Perfect Age); while the Judeo-Christian tradition has the story of the garden of Eden. These myths tell us that, either as a result of a long degeneration or a sudden and dramatic Fall , something went wrong . Life became much more difficult and full of suffering, and human nature became more corrupt. In Taoist terms, whereas the earliest human beings followed the Way of Heaven and were a part of the natural harmony of the universe, later human beings became separated from the Tao, and became selfish and calculating.

Many of these myths make clear references to the hunter-gatherer way of life – for example, the Greek historian Hesiod states that during the Golden Age the fruitful earth bore [human beings] abundant fruit without stint, while the early Indian text the Vaya Purana states that early human beings frequented the mountains and seas, and did not dwell in houses (i.e. they lived a non-sedentary way of life). The garden of Eden story suggests this too. Originally Adam and Eve ate the fruit from the tree of knowledge, until they were forced to leave the garden and forced to work hard and sweat to make the soil produce anything. It appears that, at least in part, these myths are a kind of folk memory of the pre-agricultural way of life. The agricultural peoples who worked harder and longer, had shorter life spans and suffered from a lot more health problems must have looked at the old hunter-gatherer way of life as a kind of paradise.

Warfare and Social Oppression

There are other significant reasons why these peoples would have seen earlier times as a Golden Age. There is a great deal of evidence suggesting that prehistoric human beings were much less war-like than later peoples. Archaeological studies throughout the world have found hardly any evidence of warfare during the whole of the hunter-gatherer phase of history. There are, in fact, just two indisputable cases of group violence during all of these tens of thousands of years. A cluster of sites around the Nile Valley show some signs of violence from around 12,000 BCE. The site of Jebel Sahaba, for instance, has a grave containing the bodies of over 50 people who apparently died a violent death. And in south-east Australia, there are some signs of inter-tribal fighting – as well as of other kinds of social violence such as the cranial deformation of children – at several different sites dating from 11,000 and 7,000 BCE.

Lawrence Keeley’s book War Before Civilisation suggests several other examples of prehistoric violence and warfare, but all of these are dubious, and have been dismissed by other scholars. For example, Keeley sees cut marks on human bones as evidence of cannibalism, when these are more likely to be the result of prehistoric funeral rituals of cleaning bones of their flesh. He also interprets highly abstract and stylised drawings in caves in Australia as depicting battles, when they are open to wide variety of other interpretations. In this way, as the anthropologist R. Brian Ferguson remarks, Keeley’s rhetoric exceeds his evidence in implying war is old as humanity.[3]

The lack of evidence for warfare is striking. There are no signs of violent death, no signs of damage or disruption by warfare, and although many other artefacts have been found, including massive numbers of tools and pots, there is a complete absence of weapons. As Ferguson points out, it is difficult to understand how war could have been common earlier in each area and remain so invisible. Archaeologists have discovered over 300 cave prehistoric art galleries , not one of which contains depictions of warfare, weapons or warriors. In the words of the anthropologist Richard Gabriel, For the first ninety-five thousand years after the Homo sapiens Stone age began [until 4,000 BC], there is no evidence that man engaged in war on any level, let alone on a level requiring organized group violence. There is little evidence of any killing at all.[4]

There seems to have been equality between the sexes in prehistoric times too. The fact that women provided so much of the tribe’s food strongly suggests that they had equal status, since it’s difficult to see how they could have low status while performing such an important economic role. The healthy, open attitude ancient hunter-gatherers had to the human body and to sex – shown by the massive numbers of sexually explicit images and objects archaeologists have discovered – suggests this too, since the oppression of women appears to be closely linked to a sense of alienation from the human body, and a negative attitude to instincts and bodily processes.

Contemporary indigenous peoples are sexually egalitarian too. Before European conquest and colonisation, many of them traced descent and ownership of property through the mother’s rather than the father’s side of the family. And as the anthropologist Tim Ingold notes, in immediate return hunter-gatherer societies (that is, societies which live by immediately using any food or other resources they collect, rather than storing them for later use), men have no authority over women. Women usually choose their own marriage partners, decide what work they want to do and work whenever they choose to, and if a marriage breaks down they have custody rights over their children.[5]

In prehistoric societies there were no status differences between individuals either. There were no different classes or castes, with people who had more power and possessions than others. For archaeologists, the most obvious signs of social inequality are differences in graves, in terms of size, position and the goods which are placed inside them. Later agricultural societies have larger, more central graves for more important people, which also have a lot more possessions inside them. Men generally have more important graves than women. But the graves of the ancient hunter-gatherers are strikingly uniform, with little or no size differences and little or no grave wealth.

Almost all contemporary hunter-gatherers show a striking absence of any of the characteristics that we associate with social inequality. The anthropologist James Woodburn speaks of the profound egalitarianism of immediate-return foraging peoples and emphasises that no other way of human life permits so great an emphasis on equality.[6] Foraging peoples are also strikingly democratic. Most societies do operate with a leader of some kind, but their power is usually very limited, and they can easily be deposed if the rest of the group aren’t happy with their leadership. People don’t seek to be leaders – in fact if anybody does show signs of a desire for power and wealth they are usually barred from consideration as leaders. And even when a person becomes a leader, they don’t have the right to make decisions on their own. Decisions are made in co-operation with other respected members of the group.


The Ego Explosion

All of this strongly argues against the idea that prehistoric human beings were brutes whose only concern was survival, and whose lives were full of cruelty and conflict, as men competed against each other for status and food and sex.

Warfare, social oppression and male domination – and an existence that was nasty, brutish and short – belong to a later phase of human history. Evidence from artwork, cemeteries and battle sites suggests that there was an eruption of these social pathologies during the 4th millennium BCE, starting in the Middle East and central Asia. The root cause of this change seems to have been environmental. Around this time massive areas of land which had been fertile for thousands of years started to turn into desert. This happened all over the Middle East and central Asia, creating the massive belt of arid or desert land which runs across from the Steppes of southern Russia to the Arabian and Iranian deserts. The groups who lived in the area – including the original Indo-Europeans and Semites – were forced to flee and look for new fertile lands, causing massive waves of migrations.

This environmental disaster seems to have changed the psyche of these peoples. Whereas before they had been peaceful and egalitarian, now they became aggressive, hierarchical and patriarchal. Over the following centuries. they spread over the Europe, Middle East and Asia, killing and conquering the peaceful Old World peoples they came across, including the civilisation of Old Europe (which was reconstructed by the archaeologist Marija Gimbutas). By 500 BCE, these peoples had more or less completely conquered the whole of Eurasia, leaving only a few indigenous peoples such as the Laplanders of Scandinavia, the tribal peoples of Siberia, and the indigenous peoples of the forests and hills of India. In mainland Europe the only surviving non-Indo-European indigenous peoples were the Basque people of northern Spain (who amazingly still survive today) and the Etruscans of Italy, who were soon to be wiped out by the Romans.

In my book The Fall, I try to explain how these people were (and are) different from the peaceful peoples who came before them. My theory is that the environmental catastrophe (the drying up their fertile lands) caused an Ego Explosion . These peoples developed a stronger and sharper sense of identity, or of individuality, which made them feel more separate to nature and to other people, and more liable to be aggressive and to lust after power and status. We – modern day Eurasians – are the descendents of these peoples, and we have inherited their strong sense of ego. This is still the main difference between us and indigenous unfallen peoples such as the Native Americans, Australian Aborigines and the peoples of Oceania, and the reason why they have much more respectful attitude to nature than us, and a more spiritual vision of the universe. Our strong sense of ego walls us off from other people and nature, makes us unable to sense the alive-ness of the world around us, and may ultimately be responsible for our extinction as a species.

However, there are some signs that, as a culture, we are slowly transcending the fallen psyche, and going beyond our ego-separateness. Over the last three hundred years or so, there has been a new spirit of empathy growing, which has led to less cruel treatment of children and animals, less severe punishments for criminals, the women’s movement, the abolition of slavery, the socialist movement, a new respect for nature, a more open and healthy attitude to sex and the human body and so on. And there has been a new sense of the sacred and of the possibility of self-transcendence, which has led to a massive upsurge of interest in esoteric/spiritual philosophies and practices like paganism, shamanism, Buddhism, meditation and so on. There are signs that we are reconnecting with nature, regaining our sense of the aliveness of the world and of the hidden mysteries of the cosmos. The characteristics of the prehistoric golden age may be slowly re-emerging. The only question is whether there is enough time left for these characteristics to emerge fully, before the old fallen psyche leads us to self-destruction.

The idea that human history is a gradual but continual progression – starting from a state of savagery, with generations slowly making technological and social advances and passing these down, and leading to the pinnacle of western European civilisation – is a leftover from the Victorian era, part of the same colonial mentality which saw primitive indigenous peoples as subhumans who could be justifiably conquered and killed. Rather than a progression, the last 6000 years of war, oppression, misery and hardship are the result of a painful degeneration from an earlier, healthier state. We may finally be moving forward now – but only in the sense of turning a full circle, and rekindling glimmers of ancient harmony.


1.    Sahlins, M. (1972) Stone Age Economics. New York: Aldine de Gruyter,. p.36.
2.    Rudgley, R. (2000) Secrets of the Stone Age. London: Random House, p. 36.
3.    Ferguson, R.B. (2000) The Causes and Origins of Primitive Warfare. Anthropological Quarterly, 73.3, 159-164, p.159.
4.    Gabriel, R. (1990) The Culture of War: Invention and Early Development. New York: Greenwood Press, p. 21.
5.    Ingold, T., Riches, D. & Woodburn, J. (Eds.). (1988) Hunters and Gatherers, Volume 2: Property, Power and Ideology. Oxford: Berg.
6.    Woodburn, J. (1982) ‘Egalitarian Societies.’ Man, 17, 431-51, p.432.

Originally published in New Dawn, no.95, March-April 2006.

New Illuminati comments: Added to the data that strongly indicate other catastrophic  strikes by celestal bodies around North Aerica in the same timeframe,  itseems likely that a number of impacts ended the last glaciation; at the same time the globe appears to have tilted thirty degrees. Such events would be more than enough to eradicate virtually all evidence of today's civilisations; in 12,000 years all that would remain would be crumbling artefacts of stone, ceramic, bones and occasional occurrences of strange machined gold or tungsten steel tool parts...

For more information about the worldwide flood see http://nexusilluminati.blogspot.com/search/label/great%20flood   
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